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Full text of "Poland Russia and Great Britain 1941-1945"

iss^ :- ^ change of tactics. The Prime Minister and the President of the
United States would not admit that they were compelled to accept the
decision because their pride would not let them do otherwise. The fact
is, however, that they found an accomplished fact in Poland. Marshal
Stalin had created the Lublin Committee, and he backs it every inch of the
way, because it is his Committee and his Government. He created it and
he is determined that it will operate. There will be further deportations
and murders until he carries his way in the plebiscite. I wish it were
otherwise., but I cannot see it as anything other than that. . . .
This Yalta Agreement is more important for the things it does not say,,
than for the things it does say. It presents, like the Atlantic Charter and
the Teheran decisions, a jumble of words with no meaning or reality to
any individual who is politically honest. . . .
Mr. Rhys Davies (Westhoughton) : . . I do not want to dwell unduly
on Poland;, but hon. Members have dealt with only the Eastern side of
Poland; I want to say something about the Western side. As it happens,
I have been in Danzig, the Corridor., Silesia and Poland,, and know just
a little about that part of the world.
The first thing I want to say about the Polish question is this, I was
really amazed yesterday at what came from the Foreign Secretary about the
Polish situation. The right hon. Gentleman said, in effect, that Poland
was a ramshackle state in 1939. How on earth came it about, therefore,
that the British Government could give a promise to defend the independ-
ence of a ramshackle State like that ? The second thing that astonished
me was—and I am sure the people of this country have been deceived in
regard to Poland—that the only guarantee we gave to Poland for its
independence was in the event of an attack on Poland by Germany. It did
not matter if Russia, or any other Power, attacked her. It was, in effect,
and I hope I am not being too biassed, an invitation to Poland to stand up
to Germany in order to wage a war on Russia. The right hon. Gentleman
the Foreign Secretary made another statement that, generally, the avowed
policy of this country for centuries was that no great Power should be
allowed to rise in Europe to challenge the liberty of the European peoples.,
If that is our policy, let me say that the next generation of people in this
country have got to be prepared for a war on Russia, because it will be the
next State to be involved in that policy of balance of power.
. . . Whatever views may be held about the war—and there are many
—one thing is certain. This war does not differ in its progress from any
other war—there have been over 500 wars waged in the course of history—
and we started this war with great motives and high ideals, and we published
the Atlantic Charter and then spat on it and stamped on it and burnt it, as
it were, at the stake, and nothing is left of it. Hon. Members know this
very well, and I want once more to enter a protest. ... It was believed
that this country went to war for high motives and the independence of
Poland. I shall not be a bit surprised when this war is over if it is found
that this war has been waged by Great Britain and the United States of
America deliberately in order to destroy the industrial capacity of Japan
and Germany.
Air. Pickthorn (Conservative) : I should like to say a word first of all
about the curious coincidence of—is it four or five independent Members
who have chivalrously rushed to the assistance of His Majesty's Government
upon this occasion ? I am not quite sure what would have happened to
them in Poland or Yugoslavia. They do not appear to me to be Members
of recognised democratic parties, and it seems to me a little queer that they
feel so safe here that they do not mind the rule elsewhere that persons
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